By Henry David Thoreau
I heartily accept the motto,--”That government is best which governs least;” and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically.Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe,--”That government is best which governs not at all;” and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have.Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient.The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government.The standing army is only an arm of the standing government.The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure.
This American Government,-- what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity?It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will.It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves.But it is not the less necessary for this; for the people must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage.It is excellent, we must all allow.Yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country free.It does not settle the West. It does not educate.The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. For government is an expedient by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed are most let alone by it.Trade and commerce, if they were not to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and punished with those mischievous persons who put obstructions on the railroads.
But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government.Let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it.
After all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of the people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period continue, to rule is not because they are most likely to be in the right, nor because this seems fairest to the minority, but because they are physically the strongest.But a government in which the majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice, even as far as men understand it.Can there not be a government in which majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience?--in which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable?Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator?Why has every man a conscience, then?I think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward.It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right.The only obligation which I have a right to assume is to do at any time what I think right.It is truly enough said, that a corporation has no conscience; but a corporation of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience.Law never made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it, even the well-disposed are daily made the agents of injustice.A common and natural result of an undue respect for law is, that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates, power-monkeys, and all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, against their common sense and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart.They have no doubt that it is a damnable business in which they are concerned; they are all peaceably inclined.Now, what are they?Men at all?or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man in power?Visit the Navy-Yard, and behold a marine, such a man as an American government can make, or such as it can make a man with its black arts,--a mere shadow and reminiscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniments, though it may be,--
“Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,
As his corpse to the rampart we hurried;
Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot
O’er the grave where our hero we buried.”
The mass of men serve the state thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies.They are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc.In most cases there is no free exercise whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well.Such command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt.They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs.Yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens.Others--as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders--serve the state chiefly with their heads; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the Devil, without intending it, as God.A very few, as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men, serve the state with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it.A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be “clay,” and “stop a hole to keep the wind away,”but leave that office to his dust at least:--
too high-born to be propertied,
To be a secondary at control,
Or useful serving-man and instrument
To any sovereign state throughout the world.”
He who gives himself entirely to his fellow-men appears to them useless and selfish; but he who gives himself partially to them is pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist.
How does it become a man to behave toward this American government today?I answer, that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it.I cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave’s government also.
All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable.But almost all say that such is not the case now.But such was the case, they think, in the Revolution of ‘75.If one were to tell me that this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do without them.All machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough good to counterbalance the evil.
At any rate it is a great evil to make a stir bout it.But when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, I think that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize.What makes this duty the more urgent is the fact that the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army.
a common authority with many on moral questions, in his chapter on the “Duty of
Submission to Civil Government,” resolves all civil obligation into expediency;
and he proceeds to say, “that so long as the interest of the whole society
requires it, that is, so long as the established government cannot be resisted
or changed without public inconveniency, it is the will of God that the
established government be obeyed, and no longer. . . .This principle being admitted, the justice of
every particular case of resistance is reduced to a computation of the quantity
of the danger and grievance on the one side, and of the probability and expense
of redressing it on the other.”Of this,
he says, every man shall judge for himself.But Paley appears never to have contemplated those cases to which the
rule of expediency does not apply, in which a people, as well as an individual,
must do justice, cost what it may.If I
have unjustly wrested a plank from a drowning man, I must restore it to him
though I drown myself. This, according to Paley, would be inconvenient.But he that would save his life, in such a
case, shall lose it.This people must
cease to hold slaves, and to make war on
their practice, nations agree with Paley; but does any one think that
drab of state, a cloth-o’s-silver slut,
To have her train borne up, and her soul trail in the dirt.”
Practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in
All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it.The character of the voters is not staked.I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail.I am willing to leave it to the majority.Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency.Even voting for the right is doing nothing of it.It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail.A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority.There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men.When the majority shall at length vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery let to be abolished by their vote.They will then be the only slaves. Only his vote can hasten the abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote.
hear of a convention to be held at Baltimore, or elsewhere, for the selection
of a candidate for the Presidency, made up chiefly of editors, and men who are
politicians by profession; but I think, what is it to any independent, intelligent,
and respectable man what decision they may come to?Shall we not have the advantage of his wisdom
and honesty, nevertheless?Can we not
count upon some independent votes?Are
there not many individuals in the country who do not attend conventions?But no:I find that the respectable man, so called, has immediately drifted from
his position, and despairs of his country, when his country has more reason to
despair of him.He forthwith adopts one
of the candidates thus selected as the only available
one, thus proving that he is himself available
for any purpose of the demagogue.His
vote is of no more worth than that of any unprincipled foreigner or hireling
native, who may have been bought.O for
a man who is a man, and, as my
neighbor says, has a bone in his back which you cannot pass your hand
through!Our statistics are at
fault:the population has been returned
too large.How many men are there to a square thousand miles in this country?Hardly one.Does not
It is not a man’s duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself to the eradication of any, even the most enormous wrong; he may still properly have other concerns to engage him; but it is his duty, at least, to wash his support.If I devote myself to other pursuits and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not pursue them sitting upon another man’s shoulders.I must get off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too.See what gross inconsistency is tolerated.I have heard some of my townsmen say, “I should like to have them order me out to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to Mexico;--see if I would go;” and yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute.The soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by those who do not refuse to sustain the unjust government which makes the war; is applauded by those whose own act and authority he disregards and sets at naught; as if the state were penitent to that degree that it hired one to scourge it while it sinned, but not to that degree that it left off sinning for a moment.Thus, under the name of Order and Civil Government, we are all made at last to pay homage to and support our own meanness. After the first blush of sin comes its indifference; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, unmoral, and not quite unnecessary to that life which we have made.
broadest and most prevalent error requires the most disinterested virtue to
sustain it.The slight reproach to which
the virtue of patriotism is commonly liable, the noble are most likely to
incur.Those who, while they disapprove
of the character and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and
support are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently
the most serious obstacles to reform.Some are petitioning the state to dissolve the
How can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and enjoy it?Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved?If you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor, you do not rest satisfied with knowing that you are cheated, or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full amount, and see that you are never cheated again.Action from principle, the perception and the performance of right, changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was.It not only divides states and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine.
laws exist: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend
them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at
once?Men generally, under such a
government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the
majority to alter them.They think that,
if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil.It makes
it worse.Why is it not more apt to
anticipate and provide for reform?Why
does it not cherish its wise minority?Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt?Why does it not encourage its citizens to be
on the alter to point out its faults, and do
better than it would have them?Why does
it always crucify Christ, and excommunicate Copernicus and Luther, and
pronounce Washington and
One would think that a deliberate and practical denial of its authority was the only offense never contemplated by government; else, why has it not assigned its definite, its suitable and proportionate penalty?If a man who has no property refuses but once to earn nine shillings for the state, he is put in prison for a period unlimited by any law that I know, and determined only by the discretion of those who placed him there; but if he should steal ninety times nine shillings from the state, he is soon permitted to go at large again.
If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of the machine of government, let it go, let it go:perchance it will wear smooth,--certainly the machine will wear out.If the injustice has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another, then, I say, break the law.Let your life be a counter friction to stop the machine.What I have to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to the wrong which I condemn.
As for adopting the ways which the state has provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such ways.They take too much time, and a man’s life will be gone.I have other affairs to attend to.I came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad.A man has not everything to do, but something; and because he cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he should do something wrong. It is not my business to be petitioning the Governor or the Legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; and if they should not hear my petition, what should I do then?But in this case the state has prided no way:its very Constitution is the evil.This may seem to be harsh and stubborn and unconciliatory; but it is to treat with the utmost kindness and consideration the only spirit that can appreciate or deserves it.So is all change for the better, like birth and death, which convulse the body.
I do not hesitate to say, that those who call themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually withdraw their support, both in person and property, from the government of Massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the right to prevail through them.I think that it is enough if they have God on their side, without waiting for that other one.Moreover, any man more right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one already.
I meet this American government, or its representative, the state government, directly, and face to face, once a year--no more--in the person of its tax-gatherer; this is the only mode in which a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly, Recognize me; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the present posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of treating with it on this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then.My civil neighbor, the tax-gatherer, is the very man I have to deal with,--for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that I quarrel,--and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent of the government.How shall he ever know well what he is and does as an officer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to consider whether he shall treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has respect, as a neighbor and well-disposed man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action.I know this well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom I could name,--if ten honest men only, ay, if one HONEST man, in this State of Massachusetts, ceasing to hold slaves, were actually to withdraw from this copartnership, and be locked up in the county jail therefor, it would be the abolition of slavery in America.For it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be:what is once well done is done forever. But we love better to talk about it: that we say is our mission.Reform keeps many scores of newspapers in its service, but not one man.If my esteemed neighbor, the State’s ambassador, who will devote his days to the settlement of the question of human rights in the Council Chamber, instead of being threatened with prisons of Carolina, were to sit down the prisoner of Massachusetts, that State which is so anxious to foist the sin of slavery upon her sister,--though at present she can discover only an act of inhospitality to be the ground of a quarrel with her,--the Legislator would not wholly waive the subject the following winter.
a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is
also a prison.The proper place to-day,
the only place which
I have contemplated the imprisonment of the offender, rather than the seizure of his goods,--though both will serve the same purpose,--because they who assert the purest right, and consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt State, commonly have not spent much time in accumulating property.To such the State renders comparatively small service, and a slight tax is wont to appear exorbitant, particularly if they are obliged to earn it by special labor with their hands.If there were one who lived wholly without the use of money, the State itself would hesitate to demand it of him.But the rich man--not to make any invidious comparison--is always sold to the institution which makes him rich. Absolutely speaking, the more money, the less virtue; for money comes between a man and his objects, and obtains them for him; and it was certainly no great virtue to obtain it.It puts to rest many questions which he would otherwise be taxed to answer; while the only new question which it puts is the hard but superfluous one, how to spend it.Thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet.The opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as what are called the “means” are increased.The best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to endeavor to carry out those schemes which he entertained when he was poor.Christ answered the Herodians according to their condition.“Show me the tribute--money,” said he;--and one took a penny out of his pocket;--if you use money which has the image of Caesar on it, which he has made current and valuable, that is,if you are men of the State, and gladly enjoy the advantages of Caesar’s government, then pay him back some of his own when he demands it.“Render therefore to Caesar that which is Caesar’s, and to God those things which are God’s,”--leaving them no wiser than before as to which was which; for they did not wish to know.
I converse with the freest of my neighbors, I perceive that, whatever they may say
about the magnitude and seriousness of the question, and their regard for the
public tranquility, the long and the short of the matter is, that they cannot
spare the protection of the existing government, and they dread the
consequences to their property and families of disobedience to it. For my own
part, I should not like to think that I ever rely on the protection of the
State.But, if I deny the authority of
the State when it presents its tax-bill, it will soon take and waste all my
property, and so harass me and my children without end.This is hard.This makes it impossible for a man to live honestly, and at the same
time comfortably, in outward respects.It will not be worth the while to accumulate property; that would be
sure to go again.You must hire or squat
somewhere, and raise but a small crop, and eat that soon.You must live within yourself, and depend
upon yourself always tucked up and ready for a start, and not have many
affairs.A man may grow rich in Turkey even, if
he will be in all respects a good subject of the Turkish government.Confucius said: “If a state is governed by
the principles of reason, poverty and misery are subjects of shame; if a state
is not governed by the principles of reason, riches and honors are the subjects
of shame.” No: until I want the protection of
Some years ago, the State met me in behalf of the Church, and commanded me to pay a certain sum toward the support of a clergyman whose preaching my father attended, but never I myself.“Pay,” it said, “or be locked up in the jail.”I declined to pay.But, unfortunately, another man saw fit to pay it.I did not see why the schoolmaster should be taxed to support the priest, and not the priest the schoolmaster; for I was not the State’s schoolmaster, but I supported myself by voluntary subscription.I did not see why the lyceum should not present its tax-bill, and have the State to back its demand, as well as the Church.However, at the request of the selectmen, I condescended to make some such statement as this in writing:--”Know all men by these presents, that I, Henry Thoreau, do not wish to be regarded as a member of any incorporated society which I have not joined.”This I gave to the town clerk; and he has it.The State, having thus learned that I did not wish to be regarded as a member of that church, as never made a like demand on me since; though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption that time.If I had known how to name them, I should then have signed off in detail from all the societies which I never signed on to; but I did not know where to find a complete list.
I have paid no poll-tax for six years.I was put into a jail once on this account, for one night; and, as I stood considering the walls of solid stone, two or three feet thick, the door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which strained the light, I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution which treated me as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up.I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way.I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through before they could get to be as free as I was.I did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar.I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax.They plainly did not know how to treat me, but behaved like persons who are underbred.In every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder; for they thought that my chief desire was to stand the other side of that stone wall.I could not but smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my mediations, which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all that was dangerous.As they could not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against whom they have a spite, will abuse his dog. I saw that the State was half-witted, that it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons, and that it did not know its friends from its foes, and I lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it.
Thus the State never intentionally confronts a man’s sense, intellectual or moral, but only his body, his senses.It is not armed with superior wit or honesty, but with superior physical strength.I was to born to be forced.I will breathe after my own fashion.Let us see who is the strongest.What force has a multitude?They only can force me who obey a higher law than I. They force me to become like themselves.I do not hear of men being forced to live this way or that by masses of men.What sort of life were that to live?When I meet a government which says to me, “Your money or your life,” why should I be in haste to give it my money?It may be in a great strait, and not know what to do: I cannot help that.It must help itself; do as I do.It is not worth the while to snivel about it.I am not responsible for the successful working of the machinery of society.I am not the son of the engineer.I perceive that, when an acorn and a chestnut fall side by side, the one does not remain inert to make way for the other, but both obey their own laws, and spring and grow and flourish as best they can, till one, per-chance, overshadows and destroys the other.If a plant cannot live according to its nature, it dies; and so a man.
The night in prison was novel and interesting enough.The prisoners in their shirt-sleeves were enjoying a chat and the evening air in the doorway, when I entered.But the jailer said, “Come, boys, it is time to lock up;” and so they dispersed, and I heard the sound of their steps returning into the hollow apartments.My room-mate was introduced to me by the jailer as “a first-rate fellow and a clever man.”When the door was locked, he showed me where to hang my hat, and how he managed matters there. The rooms werw whitewashed once a month; and this one, at least, was the whitest, most simply furnished, and probably the neatest apartment in the town.He naturally wanted to know where I came from, and what brought me there; and, when I had told him, I asked him in my turn how he came there, presuming him to be an honest man, of course; and, as the world goes, I believe he was.“Why,” said he, “they accuse me of burning a barn; but I never did it.” As near as I could discover, he had probably gone to bed in a barn when drunk, and smoked his pipe there; and so a barn was burnt.He had the reputation of being a clever man, had been there some three months waiting for his trial to come on, and would have to wait as much loner; but he was quite domesticated and contented, since he got his board for nothing, and thought that he was well treated.
He occupied one window, and I the other; and I saw that it one stayed there long, his principal business would be to look out the window.I had soon read all the tracts that were left there, and examined where former prisoners had broken out, and where a grate had been sawed off, and heard the history of the various occupants of that room; for I found that even here there was a history and a gossip which never circulated beyond the walls of the jail. Probably this is the only house in the town where verses are composed, which are afterward printed in a circular form, but not published.I was shown quite a long list of verses which were composed by some young men who had been detected in an attempt to escape, who avenged themselves by singing them.
I pumped my fellow-prisoner as dry as I could, for fear I should never see him again; but at length he showed me which was my bed, and left me to blow out the lamp.
was like traveling into a far country, such as I had never expected to behold,
to lie there for one night.It seemed to
me that I never had heard the town-clock strike before, nor the evening sounds
of the village; for we slept with the windows open, which were inside the
grating.It was to see my native village
in the light of the Middle Ages, and our
In the morning, out breakfasts were put through the hole in the door, in small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and holding a pint of chocolate, with brown bread, and an iron spoon.When they called for the vessels again, I was green enough to return what breat I had left; but my comrade seized it, and said that I should lay that up for lunch or dinner.Soon after he was let out to work at haying in a neighboring field, whither he went every day, and would not be back till ; so he bade me good-day, saying that he doubted if he should see me again.
When I came out of prison,--for some one interfered, and paid that tax,--I did not perceive that great changes had taken place on the common, such as he observed who went in a youth and emerged a tottering and gray-headed man; and yet a change had to my eyes come over the scene,--the town, and State, and country,--greater than any that mere time could effect.I saw yet more distinctly the State in which I lived.I saw to what extent the people among whom I lived could be trusted as good neighbors and friends; that their friendship was for summer weather only; that they did not greatly propose to do right; that they were a distinct race from me by their prejudices and superstitions, as the Chinamen and Malays are; that in their sacrifices to humanity they ran no risks, not even to their property; that after all they were not so noble but they treated the thief as he had treated them, and hoped, by a certain outward observance and a few prayers, and by walking in a particular straight though useless path from time to time, to save their souls.This may be to judge my neighbors harshly; for I believe that many of them are not aware that they have such an institution as the jail in their village.
It was formerly the custom in our village, when a poor debtor came out of jail, for his acquaintances to salute him, looking through their fingers, which were crossed to represent the grating of a jail window, “How do ye do?” My neighbors did not thus salute me, but first looked at me, and then at one another, as if I had returned from a long journey.I was ut into jail as I was going to the shoemaker’s to get a shoe which was mended.When I was let out the next morning, I proceeded to finish my errand, and, having put on my mended shoe, joined a huckleberry party, who were impatient to put themselves under my conduct; and in half an hour,--for the horse was soon tackled,--was in the midst of a huckleberry field, on one of our highest hills, two miles off, and then the State was nowhere to be seen.
This is the whole history of “My Prisons.”
I have never declined paying the highway tax, because I am as desirous of being a good neighbor as I am of being a bad subject; and as for supporting schools, I am doing my part to educate my fellow-countrymen now.It is for no particular item in the tax-bill that I refuse to pay it.I simply wish to refuse allegiance to the State, to withdraw and stand aloof from it effectually.I do not care to trace the course of my dollar, if I could, till it buys a man or a musket to shoot one with,--the dollar is innocent,--but I am concerned to trace the effects of my allegiance. In fact, I quietly declare war with the State, after my fashion, though I will still make what use and get what advantage of her I can, as is usual in such cases.
If others pay the tax which is demanded of me, from a sympathy with the State, they do but what they have already done in their own case, or rather they abet injustice to a greater extent than the State requires.If they pay the tax from a mistaken interest in the individual taxed, to save his property, or prevent his going to jail, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their private feelings interfere with the public good.
This, then, is my position at present.But one cannot be too much on his guard in such a case, lest his action be biased by obstinacy or an undue regard for the opinions of men.Let him see that he does only what belongs to himself and to the hour.
I think sometimes, Why, this people mean well, they are only ignorant; they would do better if they knew how: why give your neighbors this pain to treat you as they are not inclined to?But I think again, This is no reason why I should do as they do, or permit others to suffer much greater pain of a different kind. Again, I sometimes say to myself, When many millions of men, without heat, without ill will, without personal feeling of any kind, demand of you a few shillings only, without the possibility, such is their constitution, of retracting or altering their present demand, and without the possibility, on your side, of appeal to any other millions, why expose yourself to this overwhelming brute force?You do not resist cold and hunger, the winds and the waves, thus obstinately; you quietly submit to a thousand similar necessities.You do not put your head into the fire.But just in proportion as I regard this as not wholly a brute force, but partly a human force, and consider that I have relations to those millions as to so many millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see that appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from them to the Maker of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves.But if I put my head deliberately into the fire, there is no appeal to fire or to the Maker of fire, and I have only myself to blame.If I could convince myself that I have any right to be satisfied with men as they are, and to treat them accordingly, and not according, in some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of what they and I ought to be, then, like a good Mussulman and fatalist, I should endeavor to be satisfied with things as they are, and say it is the will of God. And, above all, there is this difference between resisting this and a purely brute or natural force, that I can resist this with some effect; but I cannot expect, like Orpheus, to change the nature of the rocks and trees and beasts.
I do not wish to quarrel with any man or nation.I do not wish to split hairs, to make fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbors.I seek rather, I may say, even an excuse for conforming to the laws of the land.I am but too ready to conform to them.Indeed, I have reason to suspect myself on this head; and each year, as the tax-gatherer comes round, I find myself disposed to review the acts and position of the general and State governments, and the spirit of the people to discover a pretext for conformity.
"We must affect our country as our parents,
And if at any time we alienate
Our love or industry from doing it honor,
We must respect effects and teach the soul
Matter of conscience and religion,
And not desire of rule or benefit.”
I believe that the State will soon be able to take all my work of this sort out of my hands, and then I shall be no better a patriot than my fellow-countrymen.Seen from a lower point of view, the Constitution, with all its faults, is very good; the law and the courts are very respectable; even this State and this American government are, in many respects, very admirable, and rare things, to be thankful for, such as a great many have described them; but seen from a point of view a little higher, they are what I have described them; seen from a higher still, and the highest, who shall say what they are, or that they are worth looking at or thinking of at all?
However, the government does not concern me much, and I shall bestow the fewest possible thoughts on it. It is not many moments that I live under a government, even in this world.If a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imagination-free, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers cannot fatally interrupt him.
know that most men think differently from myself; but those whose lives are by
profession devoted to the study of these or kindred subjects content me as
little as any.Statesmen and
legislators, standing so completely within the institution, never distinctly
and nakedly behold it.They speak of
moving society, but have no resting-place without it.They may be men of a certain experience and
discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems,
for which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within
certain not very wide limits.They are
wont to forget that the world is not governed by policy and expediency.Webster never goes behind government, and so
cannot speak with authority about it.His words are wisdom to those legislators who contemplate no essential
reform in the existing government; but for thinkers, and those who legislate
for all time, he never once glances at the subject.I know of those whose serene and wise
speculations on this theme would soon reveal the limits of his mind’s range and
hospitality. Yet, compared with the cheap professions of most reformers, and
the still cheaper wisdom and eloquence of politicians in general, his are
almost the only sensible and valuable words, and we thank Heaven for him.Comparatively, he is always strong, original,
and, above all, practical.Still, his
quality is not wisdom, but prudence.The
lawyer’s truth is not Truth, but consistency or a consistent expediency.Truth is always in harmony with herself, and
is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with
wrong-doing.He well deserves to be
called, as he has been called, the Defender of the Constitution.There are really no blows to be given by him
but defensive ones.He is not a leader,
but a follower.His leaders are the men
of ‘87.“I have never made an effort,”
he says, “and never propose to make an effort; I have never countenanced an
effort, and never mean to countenance an effort, to disturb the arrangement as
originally made, by which the various States came into the
They who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the Bible and the Constitution, and drink at it there with reverence and humility; but they who behold where it comes trickling into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their pilgrimage toward its fountain-head.
No man with a genius for legislation has appeared in America. They are rare in the history of the world.There are orators, politicians, and eloquent men, by the thousand; but the speaker has not yet opened his mouth to speak who is capable of settling the much-vexed questions of the day.We love eloquence for its own sake, and not for any truth which it may utter, or any heroism it may inspire.Our legislators have not yet learned the comparative value of free-trade and of freedom, of union and of rectitude, to a nation.They have no genius or talent for comparatively humble questions of taxation and finance, commerce and manufactures and agriculture.If we were left solely to the wordy wit of legislators in Congress for our guidance, uncorrected by the seasonable experience and the effectual complaints of the people. America would not long retain her rank among the nations.For eighteen hundred years, though perchance I have no right to say it, the New Testament has been written; yet where is the legislator who has wisdom and practical talent enough to avail himself of the light which it sheds on the science of legislation?
The authority of government, even such as I am willing to submit to,--for I will cheerfully obey those who know and can do better than I, and in many things even those who neither know nor can do so well,--is still an impure one:to be strictly just, it must have the sanction and consent of the governed.It can have no pure right over my person and property but what I concede to it. The progress from an absolute to a limited monarchy, from a limited monarchy to a democracy, is a progress toward a true respect for the individual.Even the Chinese philosopher was wise enough to regard the individual as the basis of the empire.Is a democracy, such as we know it, the last improvement possible in government? Is it not possible to take a further step towards recognizing and organizing the rights of man?There will never be a really free and enlightened State until the State comes to recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly. I please myself with imagining a State at last which can afford to be just to all men, and to treat the individual with respect as a neighbor; which even would not think it inconsistent with its own repose if a few were to live aloof from it, not meddling with it, nor embraced by it, who fulfilled all the duties of neighbors and fellow-men.A State which bore this kind of fruit, and suffered it to drop off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a still more perfect and glorious State, which also I have imagined, but not yet anywhere seen.