Lecture 1-
Approaches used to structure teaching of introductory population courses.
There are three approaches that are typically used in many
courses in population problems, introduction to population, or introduction to
demography.
The first is reading in popular ecological literature without defining
demographic terms or elaborating relevant conceptual frameworks. This
approach often leaves the student with little, other than a vague awareness of
the rhetoric on the relationship between the population pressure and
environmental issues and a somewhat confused understanding of technical
information in demography.
The second approach is closely related. It uses science fiction.
This approach, while interesting and intellectually titillating, often
limits its analysis to the assumptions of a particular framework, but does not
explore the nature of research that supports that framework.
The third approach is traditional, and by far the most popular approach.
It is develops demographic terms and related frameworks, then discusses population’s
impact on social institutions and vice versa. This approach provides a foundation
for more advanced courses in the field and preparation for reading and comprehending
much of the professional literature.
Definition of demography
Demography is the systematic study of population.
Demographers typically focus on two aspects of population: its structure and its
dynamics of change.
The structural aspects include: size, number of individuals; composition, distribution
of individuals among age, sex, income, occupation, educational groupings; and so
on; and geographical distribution, people’s dispersion and density.
The dynamics of change include the three processes of fertility, mortality,
and migration. Some demographers also considered in nuptiality (marriage) and
social mobility (changes in social status) among the dynamics of change.
Hauser and Duncan 1959:2, Bogue 1969:1-4, Champion et al, Sociology, 1984:
386-387.)
Independent and dependent variables
One objective of the study of population is to create a statement or set of
statements which relate one phenomenon to another or a set of phenomenon to another
set. This exercise is called the creation of theory. Theory is comprised as of a set
of statements that describe, or explain how phenomena are interrelated, or why
they behave in the manner they do. The usual statement format specifies some
phenomenon or condition that influences, shapes, precedes, or causes a second condition.
The first condition may be called variously cause, predictor, or independent variable.
The second condition may be called effect, predictand, or dependent variable. Before
the age of the computer and the compilation of myriad, large data sets the object
was to establish single causal statements. Now multiple causal statements
are the backbone in theory and model building and testing.
If statements of relationship are not verified, there are called hypotheses.
Those statements that have been verified are called empirical
generalizations. Debate long centered over whether or not the population
analysts employed theory, whether the primary variables should be treated as
independent or dependent variables in research studies. The debate also included
the issue of whether or not interdisciplinary research should be included or excluded
from the demographers’ domain of investigation. Demographers employ
heuristic theory and multiple causal models, use population variables as
independent and dependent variables, and interdisciplinary research abounds. The
study of population is not restricted to formal analyses of the
interrelationships between births, deaths, and migration in light of the above
assumptions. It also includes the investigation of interrelationships between various
social characteristics and fertility, mortality, and migration. It
asserts that population change is socially determined as well as socially
determining. Investigators employing this perspective are drawn from a wide range
of disciplines. For instance, economists, sociologists, statisticians, public health
officials, medical doctors, biologists, geographers, historians, and geneticists
have conducted research using demographic techniques or looking at problems
involving population variables.
Variables of demography
The primary variables of concerns are those specified in
the demographic equation (see below), births, deaths, and migration.
The primary variables are those biological events/processes that contribute to
change in population size either through replacement or loss.
Fertility is the actual performance of childbearing. It is sometimes called
natality in the professional literature. Fertility is not to be confused
with fecundity.
Fecundity is the biological capacity to bear children.
Mortality is death. For our purposes only the biological definitions of
death concern us. We do not investigate the concept of social death. Mortality
is not to be confused with morbidity. Morbidity deals with sickness.
Migration is the movement of individuals across some politically defined
territorial boundary. Residence may or may not be required according to the definition
used. In some cases all that is required to qualifying as a migrant
is the intent to change place of residence.
By substituting the appropriate figures in the demographic
equation for numbers of births, deaths, and migration, we can calculate the rate
of natural increase or decrease in a population or calculate the amount of net
migration, as well as change in population size.
In addition to these variables demographers we also examine geographic mobility,
social mobility, and nuptiality. Geographic mobility includes the dispersion and
distribution of individuals and activities across geographical and statistical areal
units. Social mobility examines the movement of individuals between the social categories.
For instance, individuals who moved from unemployed to employed, employed to retired,
or who moved from high school to college, or college to graduate school.
Nuptiality examines transformations from single to married, married to
divorced, divorced to re-married, married to widowed, or widowed to remarried.
Secondary variables are those defined in a perspective other than demography.
These variables may be measured using indices with population data or individual level
data. Secondary variables specify properties of individuals that indirectly
reflect status characteristics or positions in the social order. They are often
examined by themselves or correlated with the primary variables. We assume that these
indices indirectly measure various dimensions of specific social institutions or
various ongoing processes of the social order. Further we assume that a combination
of social indicators and demographic indicators allow us to interpret, describe,
explain or predict regularities in the population composition in the organization
of day-to-day activities of the social order. Further, we assume that such an approach
allows us to evaluate change in these regularities either with any particular
population/society or between populations and societies.
Population composition was mentioned above without specification. To the demographer,
composition means that social or biological traits can be measured in or treated
in a distributive matter. The prime indicators for the demographer of population
composition are age and sex. The demographic literature refers to this age-sex
distribution as population structure. Both sociologists and demographers in focusing
on age and sex assume that all societies specify role demands using age and/or sex as
criteria for grading activities.
Age usually is tapped "as of the last birthday" and then standardized from the date
of survey or enumeration.
To the sociologists, composition means the distribution of individuals in a wide range
of statuses found in the social order. For the sociologist, status definitions are
reflective of the composition of the population and the social order.
Some statuses are fairly stable and long-term assignments. Such statuses are
ascribed at birth. Other statuses are transient and subject to rapid modification.
Such statuses are achieved. Our knowledge of these expectations of what an individual
is suppose to do, allows us to look at the distribution of individuals in a variety of
statuses and imagine what kinds of social structures obtain and processes may
occur. Examples of important statuses that demographers examine
include education, ethnicity, race, family background, income,
occupation, employment by type of industry.
Tertiary variables are time and space, implicitly or
explicitly referenced in every investigation. Tertiary variables locate a
population in space and history. The spatial unit ranges from blocks to enumeration
districts, census tracts, cities, and towns, townships, incorporated places, counties,
parishes, states/provinces, regions and countries of the world. Time usually refers to the
date or dates that population data were gathered. The size of the spatial
unit often is used as our criterion for distinguishing between Micro and macro
demographic investigations. Note that this distinction sometimes is very arbitrary.
Demographic studies which focus on the distribution of activities in
space are referred to as human ecology studies and are identified with the
sociology apartment at the University of Chicago during the 1920s and 30s.
Later in the course when we investigate urbanization we will
describe some of the major patterns that typify how human activities are
arranged in space and time.
Add comments about spatial, geographical, statistical,
political areal units serve as surrogate indicators of community.
Total population
With a variety of statistical resources available, students
of population should be cognizant of different definitions of population
coverage in various definitions of several administrative units as well as
changes historically in such definitions. Such knowledge is useful to assess
the adequacy of population coverage and establish the comparability of statistical
materials when obtaining information on such a simple fact as size.
Demographers traditionally have designated two types of
total population. De facto, that is, all persons residing in a specified area at the
time of observation, and de jure, that is, all persons along and, having
legal residence or usual residence, in a specified area at the time of observation.
De facto and de jure population designations are pertinent for scholars
of jurisprudence, and for students of population when trying to figure out what
enumerators and canvassers are doing in assigning individuals to a particular
locale. The United Nations guidelines for census administration specify the criteria
for inclusion and exclusion of individuals must be clearly defined to ensure
accurate coverage of the following categories of people: autochthonous inhabitants
and nomadic tribes; military, naval, and diplomatic personnel and their families
located abroad; merchants seem in resident in the country but see if the time of
the census; other civilian national residence temporarily abroad at the time of
the census; foreign military, naval, and diplomatic personnel in their families
located on the country; and other civilian aliens temporarily in the country
of the time of residence excuse me at the time of census.
Historically, has the United States census has enumerated populations employing
the criteria of usual residence to allocate individuals to households or geographic
locales. Such a practice is rooted in the constitutional requirements for
legislative representation and apportionment, for allocation of federal funds to
the states, and state funds to municipalities, and the research tradition
focusing on areal units in constructing social indicators of “well-being”
for planning purposes. Students
using census materials for government sources predicated on census data sheet
should consult the Numerator’s Reference Manual for definitions employed in
including then excluding individuals of specific characteristics and usual place
of residence. Special censuses, current population surveys, and national sample
surveys typically follow the concept of usual residence. State reports based
on registration of vital events seek to ascertain whether information is referenced
by residence or place of occurrence.
Assumptions about population (For a more detailed discussion of this set of
assumptions see: Norman B. Ryder. “Notes on the concept of population.”
American Journal of Sociology 69, 5 (March 1964): 447–463.)
We assume the population is an aggregate or a set of individuals.
This aggregate exists in space and persists overtime. We assume
that individuals are substitutable. We assume that statistics on aggregate data
can be used to depict the statistical hypothetical average individual.
These statements often appear representing aggregate findings, but these
are couched in language referencing the typical individual. For instance,
what is the average number of days in the menstrual cycle
and what are the characteristics of the typical migrant. Comments on the aggregate
fallacy.
We assume the additivity of individuals and their experiences to yield the
aggregate experience. Presupposition of interaction is often taken as a given,
although not tested directly. For the behavioral scientist there are different notions
of shared. There is the notion of the aggregate in a statistical sense.
People with a common characteristic may interact or have a similar set of life
experiences and chances. There is the notion of interaction in which
people recognize formally defined rules and understandings about what each and
every individual is going to do to accomplish group goals or to fulfill their
obligations to other members of the group. In demography these assumptions are
not tested directly, but rather we assume that the aggregate characteristic of
a group may in fact be a prerequisite for the possibility of interaction among
individuals or who have like life experiences or chances. Structural homology.
Demographic equation
The investigation of human numbers attempts to summarize available data on
the size and composition (biological and social characteristics)
of the population and mathematically describe changes in these population components.
Changes in the size of the aggregate are result of additions to the aggregate,
that it, births and in-migration and losses from the aggregate, that is,
deaths and out migration. Change explicitly involves a time dimension, hence additions
and subtractions in the aggregate allow us to describe shifts in population size
through time.
The basic formula expressing these relationships is the demographic equation or
the balancing equation or the accounting equation.This equation is defined:
P2 = P1 + (B - D) + (I - E) + e
B = Sum of births from T1->2period of observation using
vital statistics data
D = Sum of deaths from T1->2 period of observation using vital
statistics data
I = Sum of immigrants from T1->2 period of
observation may be available from immigration records.
E = Sum of emigrants from T1->2 period of observation may be
available from immigration records.
e = measurement error
P2 = Population size based on census at end of period of
observation
P1 = Population size based on census at beginning of period of
observation
or restated as:
P2 = P1 + natural increase + net migration
+ e
Of the two components in accounting for overpopulation and growth the most important
is natural increase. Natural increase is defined as births minus deaths.
People have the biological capacity to reproduce many times, but they only die once.
Net migration is defined as in migration minus out migration.
Another way of looking at population figures is to combine registration statistics on
vital events and information from the census statistics to calculate crude rates.
The crude rate is defined the number of the events divided by the
population at risk times a constant.
CR= ( nEx /nPx) * k , where n= no of cases
and x=age.
The k (constant) may be 1 for probabilities, 100 for percentages, 1,000 for rates, and
where there are large numbers of events, 100,000
for rare events.
In general crude rates provide information that pertains to the entire
population. Comparison of crude rates gives a demographer a rough idea about which
country has the highest or the lowest birth rate, death rate, or rate of natural increase.
CBR=56 high CBR=10 low; CDR=55 high CDR=under 10 low. See historical demography for discussion of high and low
IFMRs.
The rate of natural increase is calculated by subtracting in the crude death rate
from the crude birth rate. The crude birth rate and the crude death rate are calculated to the base
1000. If the crude birth rate equals 17.6 and the crude death rate equals 9.6, then the
crude rate of net natural increase rate equals 8.0. As calculated, the rate of natural increase
is expressed to the base 1000. It is customary to express the rate of natural increase
as a percent per annum, thus in this case the rate of natural increase would be .8 percent per year.
All you need to do is to shift the decimal place one place to the left to
obtain the percent of increase per year.
The rate of natural increase is used to calculate how fast the population size will double itself. To
calculate the doubling time for the population: divide 70 by the percentage of natural
increase per year, the result is the number of years for the population to double in size. This rule is
based on a simple exponential function. A natural increase of .5 % per annum will yield 139 years, 1
% will yield 70 years, 1.5 % will yield 47 years and so forth 4.0% percent per
annum will see a population double itself in 18 years. If you wish to develop an idea about
relative doubling time of various populations see link in course syllabus for Population Reference
Bureau.
An examination of the World Population Data Sheets reveals that higher rates of natural increase
are associated with high percentages of population under 15 years of age. Conversely, lower rates
of natural increase are associated with higher percentages of population over 65 years of age.
In general, lesser developed nation states have higher rates of natural increase, and developed
nation states have lower rates of natural increase.
Period measures versus duration of exposure measures.
Difference between cross-sectional and longitudinal
observations.
Unfortunately, the crude rate is not a very specific measure of what is happening
in the actual distribution of demographic advance within the population. For
instance, two countries that have the same crude death rate, but very different
age distributions. Country A may have a younger population with 30 to 40 percent
of its population under 15 years of age. Country B may have an older
population with 20 percent of its population 65 years of age and over. Both countries
may have the same crude death rate. To develop a more precise measure of the
distribution of deaths in each country we need to construct age - specific death rates.
The principal specificity
Specific rates are developed to match the number of events
that occur to a special subgroup of the population divided by the number of
individuals at risk of experiencing an event in that population subgroup.
It is possible to extend the number of characteristics that define a special subgroup.
Each additional characteristic adds increased detail about the composition of that
population subgroup experiencing an event and the population at risk of suffering that
event. For instance, we can generate age-specific rates; we can specify these rates further
by sex. This would give us age- sex specific rates. We also could add marital
status, thereby generating age- sex- marital specific rates. The greater the
detail that we specify in delineating which group is at risk and which group
suffers an event, the more accuracy is achieved in the calculation of rates.
With the use of this principle of specificity, let us examine the age-specific death rates
for countries A and B. Age-specific rates are defined as follows: the number of events
that occur to individuals of age x divided by the number of individuals in the population
of age x, then multiplied by a constant.
ASDR = (dx / Px) * 1,000. Where x = age, d= number of deaths
and P = number of population.
A comparison of the age-specific death rates in countries A and B reveals that:
in country A the proportions of deaths which occurred in the first few years of life would be
far higher than the proportion of the deaths which occurred in the first years
of life in country B. This pattern is reversed looking at the age-specific death rates
for the older ages in countries A and B.
Indirect standardization is a technique used to control for the influence of age structure when
comparing age-specific rates between populations.
(known eventPsub-category i1+ ..... +known eventPsub-category ith)*
at risk for eventNtotal in category=(estNsub-category i1 +
......+ estNsub-category ith)